You flick the switch. The light comes on. The fan whirs. The fridge hums back to life.
It happens in a second. No ceremony, no thought. Electricity flows, invisibly — like it always has.

But what we don’t see is what it takes to make that happen. The coal burned. The smoke released. The sulphur in the air. The weight of every watt.

For most of us, that bargain feels distant. Until the headaches come. The breath shortens. The air turns bitter before the monsoon. And we wonder — wasn’t coal pollution supposed to go down? Didn’t we pass a law?

Well, we did. Back in 2015, India decided that coal power plants would need to clean up, specifically by installing Flue Gas Desulphurisation systems (FGDs) to cut sulphur dioxide emissions. It was a big moment. For the first time, we said thermal power couldn’t stay dirty forever. For once, clean air had a seat at the policy table beyond urban cities.

And then came July 2025. Quietly, through a government notification, 78% of India’s coal plants were given a pass. Just like that, they no longer needed to install FGDs. No filter. No fix. Just a legal nod to carry on as usual.

You see, India still depends heavily on coal to keep the lights on. Over 75% of our electricity still comes from thermal power. While that share dipped slightly — from 76% in 2010 to 72% in 2024 — overall electricity demand has exploded. Per capita consumption rose over 45%, from 957 kWh to more than 1,395 kWh between 2013 and 2023. So in real terms, we’re burning more coal than ever.

Which is why the July 2025 decision matters. And which is why, we’re talking about it in this week’s Policy Mandala. Because the decision can shape the air we breathe for years to come.

So what’s an FGD, anyway? It’s a pollution-control system that scrubs sulphur dioxide from coal emissions. That one compound — SO₂ — might not sound scary, but it’s the silent architect of PM2.5 particles, the fine pollutants that lodge in lungs, trigger asthma, cause heart disease, and travel hundreds of kilometres beyond the chimney.

Installing an FGD in just one 500 MW plant can stop over 1,000 tonnes of SO₂ from entering the atmosphere each year. To match that, we’d have to take 20,000 diesel cars off the road. Or stop crop burning across entire districts. That’s the scale of impact — and the promise we once recognised.

Which is why, in 2015, India tried to act. The mandate laid out deadlines for every plant based on age and location. But most missed them. By early 2025, less than 10% of India’s coal fleet had functioning FGDs. Enforcement was weak. Data was patchy. And so, instead of pushing for compliance, the government quietly rewrote the rules.

The official explanation? Indian coal is low in sulphur. Air near most plants is within “safe” limits. Water use goes up. CO₂ emissions rise only slightly. FGDs are expensive. And there aren’t enough vendors anyway.

But most of this rests on shaky ground.

One, the studies used to justify the rollback — from IIT-Delhi, NEERI, and NIAS — all acknowledge deep gaps in monitoring. Over 60% of plants don’t have continuous emission tracking systems. Several “compliant” regions had no baseline SO₂ data. In other words, we’re claiming it’s clean — without measuring.

There’s another truth hiding beneath the sulphur. While about 65% of exempted plants belong to public sector giants like NTPC — which supplies nearly a quarter of India’s electricity — several private operators also benefit. Groups like Adani, Vedanta, JSW, and Essar run older plants that have long delayed FGD compliance. Now, those delays have paid off. This isn’t just about pollution or cost. It’s about shielding both PSUs and powerful private players from penalties — and quietly writing off a decade of regulatory failure.

And the cost argument? Sure, installing FGDs costs ₹800–900 crore per large plant. But what about the cost of doing nothing? According to the State of Global Air 2023, India sees nearly 156 air-pollution deaths per 100,000 people — three times higher than the US, and far above even China. Much of this is due to PM2.5 exposure, with coal plants as major culprits. Children grow up with weaker lungs. Entire districts live with chronic illness.

So if cost is the reason for rollback, here’s the real question: what’s the price of inaction, and who’s paying it?

And then there’s the tariff story. FGDs raise generation costs by 15–16 paise per unit . For consumers, this could mean a 4–7% bump in electricity bills, depending on the state. So we either pay a little more in rupees, or keep paying with our lungs.

But before people could even choose for themselves, the government made the decision for them. With elections around the corner and discoms already struggling, price hikes are a political no-go. So instead of fixing the system, we exempted it. A temporary escape, dressed as reform.

And here’s what that escape will cost us.

The 78% of exempted plants are mostly located in rural and semi-urban India — in Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Odisha, Madhya Pradesh, parts of Maharashtra and Telangana. These are regions with poor monitoring, fragile ecosystems, and already stretched health systems. The pollution won’t stay local either. Atmospheric modelling shows SO₂ and secondary PM can travel up to 200 kilometres — emissions from Korba could drift into cities like Nagpur or even Varanasi.

And all this while India is trying to position itself as a clean energy leader.

Yes, we’ve pledged to reduce coal dependence. We’ve made global commitments under the Paris Agreement and COP summits. We’ve electrified over 280 lakh homes under Saubhagya. We’re pushing for electric vehicles, electric cooking, and 24x7 digital access. But the bottom line remains — we’re not cutting pollution, just shifting where it comes from.

And while other countries are upgrading, we’re stepping back.

China, with a thermal-heavy energy mix, installed FGDs in over 95% of its coal plants before 2015. The EU didn’t just mandate FGDs, it tied compliance to carbon pricing, created real-time pollution dashboards, and made emissions a matter of public accountability. Even South Africa, with all its constraints, has made SO₂ limits non-negotiable for new plants.

So the big question is: what should we have done instead?

Well, here’s what we suggest:

First, move beyond static zone-based exemptions and adopt a dynamic, real-time approach to prioritising FGD enforcement. Plants should be required to install FGDs based on real-time pollution levels, ecological vulnerability, and health risk — not outdated administrative maps. Use actual AQI data, satellite imagery, and pollution modelling.

Second, reward compliance. Offer longer-term power purchase agreements, priority dispatch in load order, or performance-linked incentives. Cleaning up should come with benefits.

Third, offer capital subsidies or input tax breaks for FGD installation, especially for older but efficient plants. We do this for solar and wind. Why not for clean air?

Fourth, make pollution visible. Every thermal plant should be required to install and maintain real-time emission monitors. The data should be public. If power plants affect our air, we have a right to know.

Finally, accelerate the phaseout of ageing coal plants. Units older than 25–30 years that operate below efficiency benchmarks or lack modern pollution controls should be retired in a time-bound manner — paired with investments in cleaner base-load alternatives like pumped hydro, round-the-clock renewables, and grid-scale storage. This won’t just clean the air — it’ll modernise the grid.

Because here’s what this is really about.

It’s not just about SO₂. Or FGDs. Or one rollback.

It’s about making sure no child grows up thinking dirty air is normal. About whether clean energy means cleaner lives or just cleaner headlines.

But none of it will change unless clean air becomes political.

As long as it stays off the ballot, governments will keep choosing polluters over people and expect us to live with it.

So what do we do when silence becomes policy?
And how do we build an energy future that doesn’t trade off health for electricity?

We talk.

The team behind Policy Mandala has launched a 4-month policy program for professionals, the Policy Pioneers Program, in collaboration with IIM Raipur and the Public Systems Lab at IIT Delhi.

Know more about it here.

Book Mandala

In this section, we suggest a book to be read/listened to each week, for the inner policy enthusiast in you :)

Book: India’s Long Road

Author: Vijay Joshi

About the Book:
In India’s Long Road, economist Vijay Joshi offers a lucid and sharp-eyed analysis of what it will take for India to achieve sustained, equitable prosperity. While the book covers a wide spectrum from fiscal reform to social spending, it doesn’t shy away from the thorny dilemma of coal and energy.

Joshi argues that India’s growth path must confront its environmental contradictions head-on, especially its dependence on coal and the governance failures that prevent a shift to cleaner alternatives. With data-driven insight and policy realism, the book situates India’s energy future within its larger development story.

Our Take:
This is essential reading for anyone tracing India’s energy policy crossroads. At a time when clean air and coal transitions hang in the balance, Joshi’s work reminds us that prosperity and sustainability are not parallel tracks—they must converge. Policymakers and readers alike will find clarity in his unflinching, economically-grounded vision of India’s long and winding energy road.

Co-authored by Mrinal Rai and Aswathi Prakash.

Hope you liked today’s Policy Mandala!

We believe nation-building needs a community of changemakers—so we’re creating Bharat Mandala, an ecosystem for impact. Be part of our journey here!

Share

Leave a comment

Thanks for reading Policy Mandala! Subscribe for free to receive new posts and support our work.

If you like fresh flowers in your living room, chances are you're a polluter.

Sounds harsh, right? But it's true.
From roses flown in from Bangalore to mangoes trucked from Andhra Pradesh, everything we consume carries a carbon footprint. That means every time you buy something like flowers, fruits, or even furniture, you’re also using a bit of diesel, and adding a bit of smoke to the air we all breathe.

And in India, that footprint? It’s usually riding big on diesel trucks.

You see, trucks make up only 3% of all our vehicles, but they account for 42% of transport-related greenhouse gas emissions across India.

But here’s the good news.

For the first time, the Government of India has decided to change that.

Last week, under the PM Electric Drive Revolution in Innovative Vehicle Enhancement (PM E-DRIVE) scheme, the Ministry of Heavy Industries rolled out its first-ever direct subsidy for electric trucks.
It’s not just an incentive. It’s a shift away from diesel and towards something cleaner, quieter, and long overdue.

And in this week’s Policy Mandala, we decode what this bold policy could mean for India’s economy, its environment, and its roads.

Let’s start with the basics.

The scheme offers a maximum of ₹9.6 lakh per vehicle for heavy-duty e-trucks in the N2 (3.5–12 tonnes) and N3 (above 12 tonnes) categories.

Here’s how the incentives stack up:

• 3.5–7.5 tonnes → up to ₹2.7 lakh

• 7.5–12 tonnes → up to ₹3.6 lakh

• 12–18.5 tonnes → up to ₹7.8 lakh

• 18.5–35 tonnes → up to ₹9.6 lakh

• 35–55 tonnes → up to ₹9.3 lakh

Note that these are based on a ₹5,000/kWh subsidy cap, with a maximum of 10% of the ex-factory price. In short: the heavier the truck, the bigger the battery, the higher the incentive.

But to unlock these incentives, there's a catch: the buyer must scrap an old diesel truck. That truck must be registered in their name and meet certain age and registration conditions.

So how many trucks are we then talking about?

For now, the government has earmarked ₹500 crore to support 5,600 electric trucks. Of these, 1,100 are allocated to Delhi alone. A decision driven by air quality concerns and the Centre’s direct oversight of the Capital Region.

But the number of trucks isn’t the real story here.
The real story is who benefits, who might hesitate, and where do the real challenges lie?

And over the next few minutes, we will unpack just that. From cost math and charging gaps to infrastructure, oil economics, and the policy signals still missing.

Let’s talk money. Because for most transporters, that’s what this decision comes down to.

Right now, a typical N3 e-truck costs ₹30 to ₹40 lakh. A diesel version? ₹15 to ₹20 lakh. Even with the maximum subsidy of ₹9.6 lakh, the gap is significant.

And there’s more.

Scrapping an old diesel truck costs ₹1–2 lakh through authorised centres, and that cost isn’t covered. It doesn’t increase the subsidy. It’s just an added expense.

So what’s the actual math?

Even after subsidies, an electric truck could cost ₹21–32 lakh. A diesel one? Still ₹15–20 lakh.
That’s a difference of ₹8–10 lakh upfront.

And that’s a lot to ask from a small fleet owner, which, by the way, is who runs most of India’s transport economy.

But hang on, because there is a brighter side to it.

According to recent studies, a diesel truck costs about ₹15.15 per km to operate, while an e-truck clocks in at ₹13.96 per km. That’s a saving of ₹1.19 for every kilometre.

Now scale that over time.

If the cost difference is ₹9 lakh, a transporter would need to drive around 7.5 lakh kilometres to break even. That’s about five to six years of long-haul operations.

And remember, that’s without assuming diesel prices go up or cities start restricting fossil-fuel trucks more aggressively.

So yes, the savings are built in, you just have to keep moving.

But here’s the twist.

You can’t drive an e-truck without a charger. And this is where India may hit a real bump in the road.

Right now, India has around 25,000 public EV chargers. But most are designed for scooters and cars. High-capacity megachargers for trucks? Still rare. Still expensive. Still being tested.

Yes, some early pilots are running along the Delhi–Mumbai Expressway and the Bengaluru–Chennai corridor. But across most freight routes, charging infrastructure is still missing. And that changes everything.

Without a charging network, e-trucks don’t stall, they overcompensate.

Operators are forced to install oversized battery packs just to avoid getting stranded. These packs can raise truck costs by 35–40%. With battery prices still at ₹12,000–₹15,000 per kWh, that’s a steep premium for infrastructure that doesn’t exist.

Bigger batteries also mean heavier trucks, lower payloads, and capital that’s locked in lithium instead of logistics. They make it more expensive, more uneven, and more frustrating.

That’s exactly why the government is starting with a few key freight routes like Delhi–Jaipur, Pune–Aurangabad, and Indore–Bhopal, where truck-friendly charging stations are being planned every 40 to 60 kilometres.

It’s a smart beginning. But it needs to move faster than the trucks it aims to support.

Because the urgency is real.

Trucks aren’t just vehicles, they’re India’s most powerful logistics engine. Over 70% of all freight in India moves by road. Railways handle bulk cargo like coal and cement. But everything else like groceries, milk, e-commerce, machinery, moves on trucks.

And that movement isn’t cheap.

India’s logistics sector consumes 13–14% of our GDP, almost twice the global average. That inefficiency makes our exports costlier, crowds our cities, and clogs our highways.

Electric trucks won’t fix all of this. But they can definitely lower costs, reduce diesel imports, and cut pollution, if done right.

And that brings us to where India’s biggest opportunity lies.

Because the highways are already here.

The Delhi–Mumbai Industrial Corridor spans over 1,500 km and accounts for nearly 20% of India’s industrial output. The Golden Quadrilateral connects Delhi, Mumbai, Chennai, and Kolkata, moving a massive share of national freight. The 350-km Bengaluru–Chennai stretch links two booming manufacturing hubs.

These are not just highways. These are corridors of scale. And they’re ready for an electric transformation.

Take the Eastern Peripheral Expressway around Delhi.
It already diverts truck traffic, has toll automation, and the structural space for megachargers. It could be a national model for EV-friendly freight corridors.

In short: we’ve built the skeleton. India has Dedicated Freight Corridors. It has Unified Logistics Interface Platform (ULIP) for real-time cargo tracking. It has multi-modal logistics parks. And an EV-friendly Bharatmala network is underway.

But now we need the muscle to match them with – charging stations, smart incentives, and green logistics standards.

So far, we’ve talked roads, trucks, and batteries.
But there’s one more reason electric freight matters, and it's spelled D-I-E-S-E-L.

Freight trucks guzzle a huge chunk of India’s diesel.
We import 85% of our crude oil. That’s billions of dollars leaving our economy every year.
Even if just 10% of trucks go electric by 2035, we’d carve a real dent in that oil bill.

That’s not just a climate win. It’s an energy security win.

But here’s the catch!
As soon as the announcement came, we looked for the follow-through.

Where’s the deployment calendar? Where’s the Make in India roadmap? Where’s the Phased Manufacturing Programme (PMP) that links subsidies to local manufacturing?

But… nothing.

No localisation targets. No Original Equipment Manufacturer (OEM) delivery expectations. No PMP.
Without these, manufacturers can’t invest. Buyers can’t plan.
And the scheme risks becoming just another pilot.

Sure, public firms like SAIL have pledged 150 e-trucks by 2027. But that’s still a distant milestone. And unless public and private players get clarity soon, the 2025–26 window may slip past.

So while this hasn’t been announced yet, here’s what we wish for:

First, let public-sector giants like SAIL, CONCOR, and FCI take the lead, just as EESL did with EVs for government fleets.

Second, we need a clear deployment timeline, localisation rules, and a PMP that ties subsidies to domestic production—this year.

Third, we need cities to plan low-emission freight zones, starting with curbs on diesel trucks during peak hours.

Fourth, we need a policy for India’s ₹60,000 crore truck component industry. One that helps suppliers and manufacturers shift toward EV parts with phased incentives and support.

Because someday, maybe not too far from now, India’s freight system will go net-zero.

And we won’t meet our climate targets just in negotiation halls.
We’ll meet them where it matters the most.

On our roads. And on our highways.

The team behind Policy Mandala has launched a 4-month policy program for professionals, the Policy Pioneers Program, in collaboration with IIM Raipur and the Public Systems Lab at IIT Delhi.

Know more about it here.

Book Mandala

In this section, we suggest a book to be read/listened to each week, for the inner policy enthusiast in you :)

Book: Long Hard Road: The Lithium-Ion Battery and the Electric Car

Author: Charles J. Murray

About the Book

In Long Hard Road, author Charles L. Murray takes us deep into the messy, uncertain, and fascinating evolution of a technology that is now driving the world—literally. This is the story of the lithium-ion battery, told not as a miracle moment, but as a decades-long relay race between scientists, corporations, and unlikely champions across continents.

From early indifference to eventual dominance, the book traces the battery’s journey from lab benches to camcorders, laptops, and finally, to the heart of the electric vehicle revolution. The narrative culminates in how mainstream auto giants finally embraced lithium-ion as the battery chemistry that could turn electric cars from a curiosity into a commercial force.

Our Take

This book is a must-read for anyone trying to decode the electric truck push unfolding in India. As India dreams of electrifying its freight highways, this story offers vital lessons: that technology adoption is slow, often chaotic, and shaped as much by policy and corporate risk as by science. For policy thinkers, clean-tech entrepreneurs, and mobility researchers, this book delivers a compelling backstory on how the EV revolution was built—cell by cell, deal by deal.

Co-authored by Mrinal Rai and Aswathi Prakash.

Hope you liked today’s Policy Mandala!

We believe nation-building needs a community of changemakers—so we’re creating Bharat Mandala, an ecosystem for impact. Be part of our journey here!

Share

Leave a comment

Thanks for reading Policy Mandala! Subscribe for free to receive new posts and support our work.

Analysis #1: Climate Diplomacy: A Divided World at COP29

Climate negotiations often feel like a tug-of-war between the Global North and South, and the recently concluded COP29 in Baku, Azerbaijan, is no exception. The much-discussed $300 billion climate finance deal, hailed by some as a step forward, has faced sharp criticism from developing nations, including outright rejection by India. This divide underscores longstanding inequities in global climate talks and raises pressing questions about whether the world can truly unite to tackle the crisis.

India’s bold stance marks a new era of assertiveness in climate diplomacy. By rejecting the deal, India, along with other Global South nations, signaled growing impatience with what they see as insufficient and inequitable commitments from developed countries. The $300 billion pledge falls far short of the $1.3 trillion annually that experts and developing nations estimate is needed to meet the goals of the Paris Agreement. For these nations, this isn’t just about money—it’s about justice and fairness.

To understand the frustration, we must rewind to the Industrial Revolution, when industrialized nations like the U.S. and much of Europe rapidly expanded their economies and are responsible for contributing 79 Percent of Historical Carbon Emissions. These emissions have fueled the climate crisis that disproportionately impacts the Global South today, from rising sea levels threatening island nations to desertification in parts of Africa. Despite their historical responsibility, developed countries have repeatedly fallen short of their promises, including the unmet $100 billion annual pledge made in 2009.

Meanwhile, China adopted a different approach. While aligning with other developing nations in demanding greater financial commitments, it refrained from rejecting the deal outright. Instead, China emphasized its leadership in renewable energy, showcasing its dominance in technologies like solar panels and electric vehicles. This strategic positioning allows China to advocate for increased climate finance while bolstering its global influence as a green superpower.

The Broken Process

The COP29 negotiation process itself came under heavy fire, and for good reason. Critics compared it to the 2009 Copenhagen summit, notorious for its backroom deals and lack of transparency. This time, the presidency centralized control, limited public discussions, and pushed through agreements at the last minute. Such tactics alienated key players and deepened mistrust—a dangerous dynamic in negotiations that rely on collaboration and consensus. The lesson? You can’t bulldoze your way to a fair deal. Trust and transparency are the glue that holds these complex talks together.

Corporate Influence: Who’s Driving the Agenda?

Another contentious issue was the heavy involvement of corporate interests –particularly the energy industry—which had its fingerprints all over COP29. Fossil fuel lobbyists and clean energy advocates alike descended on Baku, pushing their agendas. Critics argue that such lobbying often waters down commitments. While private companies can play a crucial role in financing and innovation, their presence raises questions about whose interests are truly being served. India and other developing nations have expressed concerns that corporate influence shifts the focus away from equity and toward profit-driven solutions.

As COP29 concludes, it leaves the world at a crossroads. While the pledge represents incremental progress, it is far from the transformative action required. The growing assertiveness of nations like India and the collective demands of the Global South highlight a shift in the balance of power. The real test lies ahead: will COP30 deliver the ambitious, equitable solutions the world desperately needs, or will it fall short once again?

The answer depends on the global community’s ability to bridge divides, rebuild trust, and act decisively—together.

Analysis #2: Connecting the Dots in Defence, Technology, and Talent

With cyber warfare and digital tactics redefining global conflict, the Indian Army has taken a bold step to address these modern challenges by launching a cutting-edge internship program. Targeting young minds skilled in AI, cybersecurity, robotics, and drone technology, this initiative aims to align India’s brightest talent with critical defense innovation projects. The program’s ambitions extend beyond skill-building; it is a calculated move to secure India’s position as a leader in defense technology.

India’s military modernization efforts have often straddled the line between reliance on foreign imports and a growing emphasis on indigenization. Today, the push towards leveraging homegrown talent has never been stronger. The internship program signifies a decisive shift—bridging academia and defense while preparing the nation for emerging threats such as cyberattacks and non-contact warfare.

Mind the Gap

Despite producing over 1.5 million engineering graduates annually, India faces a glaring mismatch in talent availability versus demand. India’s demand for skilled workers stands at 103 million, while the supply lags at 74 million. The defense and aerospace sectors, including giants like ISRO and DRDO, grapple with a critical shortage of skilled personnel. This talent gap affects not only the pace of innovation but also the scalability of landmark projects.

Systemic efforts are needed to fix this. The Army’s internship program and DRDO’s academic partnerships are steps in the right direction, but the gap won’t close itself. We need a skilling strategy that’s as ambitious as our moon missions.

Learning from Global Leaders

India is not alone in recognizing the value of engaging young talent in defense R&D. For years, countries like the U.S., Israel, and South Korea have invested in programs that marry innovation with national security. India’s internship program, though nascent, holds the potential to mirror global benchmarks by creating a robust talent pipeline.

Budgetary Backing: Fueling Modernization

India’s defence modernization efforts are underpinned by significant budgetary allocations. The Union Budget 2024-25 earmarked Rs 6.22 lakh crore for the Ministry of Defence, the highest among all ministries. Of this, Rs 1.72 lakh crore is allocated under the capital head, marking a 20.33% increase from FY 2022-23. This financial commitment underscores the importance of technological advancements in defense strategy.

This initiative also aligns with the government’s initiative Skilling India, highlighting the critical importance of skilling in defense. It also sparks young people’s interest in the defense sector, encouraging them to contribute to national security and innovation.

So, while the world watches and strategizes, India’s message is clear: the journey is just beginning, and the future of defense technology is Made in India.

Analysis #3: India’s National Mission on Natural Farming

In a significant stride toward sustainable agriculture, the Government of India has launched the National Mission on Natural Farming (NMNF), a standalone Centrally Sponsored Scheme under the Ministry of Agriculture & Farmers’ Welfare. With a budget of ₹2,481 crore allocated until the 15th Finance Commission period (2025–26), this mission aims to transition the nation’s farmers toward chemical-free, ecologically sound agricultural practices. The program seeks to cover 4 lakh hectares of farmland by 2026 and train 1 crore farmers in natural farming techniques.

Natural farming is not new to India. Traditional agricultural systems have long embraced organic methods, but the Green Revolution in the 1960s marked a shift toward high-yielding crops and chemical inputs.

Over decades, the Green Revolution transformed the nation into a food surplus economy but left a legacy of depleted soils, vanishing groundwater reserves, and increased greenhouse gas emissions. Nearly 30% of India’s soil is degraded due to the excessive use of chemical inputs, while agriculture accounts for 89% of freshwater consumption and 14% of the country's greenhouse gas emissions. The health toll has been significant, with regions heavily reliant on chemical inputs witnessing a rise in cancer cases, earning some areas the grim moniker of "cancer belts”. Farmers, too, are grappling with rising input costs and stagnant incomes, making traditional farming increasingly unsustainable.

Industrial agriculture's drawbacks have been recognized since the 1980s, with Navdanya promoting organic practices. Sikkim's 2016 milestone as India’s first organic state highlights potential, but nationwide replication faces diverse challenges, including agricultural conditions, population pressures, and logistical barriers.

The government’s efforts, such as the Paramparagat Krishi Vikas Yojana (PKVY) and the National Programme for Organic Production (NPOP), have contributed to promoting organic agriculture. However, the National Mission on Natural Farming (NMNF) seeks a broader transformation. Unlike PKVY, which supports organic farming using external inputs like bio-fertilizers, NMNF focuses on zero-budget natural farming that relies entirely on locally available resources. While NPOP primarily emphasizes organic certification and export facilitation, NMNF adopts a holistic, nationwide approach to align with soil health restoration, climate action, and sustainability goals.

Challenges

Despite its potential, the transition to natural farming faces significant hurdles. One of the primary concerns is food security. Critics argue that natural farming may lead to reduced yields, posing a risk to India’s ability to feed its growing population. This concern underscores the need for a phased implementation strategy that ensures adequate food production during the transition period.

The financial burden of transitioning from chemical to natural farming is another challenge, particularly for small and marginal farmers. The high initial costs, combined with the uncertainty of returns, could deter widespread adoption without substantial government support. Certification processes for organic produce, often complex and expensive, add another layer of difficulty, especially for farmers in remote areas.

Global Comparisons: How Does India Stack Up?

India’s natural farming mission mirrors global efforts to embrace sustainability in agriculture. Bhutan aims to become 100% organic under its Gross National Happiness framework, while Denmark has successfully integrated organic farming into its national policies, offering subsidies and infrastructure support. Even as India makes strides, questions remain about its ability to scale natural farming without jeopardizing food security—a concern shared by many developing nations navigating similar transitions.

In a country like India, where 70% of rural households still depend primarily on agriculture for their livelihood, NMNF's target of covering just 1 crore farmers is a step that feels disproportionately small compared to the scale of the challenge, this limited scope raises questions about the ambition and intent behind the program. If we truly aim for a sustainable agricultural future, we must think bigger—far bigger.

Transitioning to organic farming is not merely a sustainability goal—it has become an urgent necessity. To meet this need, the discourse and policy frameworks must reflect the magnitude of the challenge ahead, emphasizing commitment, vision, and long-term planning.

Book Mandala

In this section, we suggest a book to be read/listened each week, for the inner policy enthusiast in you :)

Book: Prisoners of Geography

Author: Tim Marshall

About Book: Prisoners of Geography by Tim Marshall explores the profound impact of geography on global politics. From mountain ranges to rivers, Marshall unveils how natural landscapes shape nations’ decisions and power struggles. This compelling narrative blends history, geopolitics, and economics, revealing why borders and terrains define much of our world’s destiny

Our Take: The book left us marveling at how deeply geography governs our lives—beyond politics, it shapes culture, conflict, and cooperation. Marshall’s insights challenged the perception of global events. Ever wondered why Russia guards Crimea so fiercely or why China obsesses over controlling the South China Sea? This book offers answers. It reveals how geography—not just diplomacy—drives global strategy, from war to trade routes. If you’re curious about the "why" behind world events, this is your guide.

Leave a comment

Mumbai goes to the polls today. Across its suburban region, 26 seats are up for grabs with around 250 candidates fiercely contesting on November 20. The air is buzzing with poll promises: direct cash transfers for women, slum redevelopment, new water connections, free education, affordable housing, and ambitious road projects. Each candidate is vying to capture the imagination of voters in what many are calling one of the most complex elections in Maharashtra’s history.

Yet, conspicuously absent from any manifesto is a clear focus on Mumbai's pressing climate crisis. This is no small oversight. Mumbai, traditionally celebrated for its financial institutions, Bollywood glamour, towering skyscrapers, and iconic beaches, is now synonymous with annual floods, deteriorating air quality, and rising sea levels threatening to submerge significant parts of the city.

In just two decades, Mumbai's population has doubled from 9.9 million in 2001 to over 20 million today (Ref: Climate Central). This staggering growth, coupled with global warming, has compounded environmental challenges. Over the last decade, the city has faced relentless flooding, poor air quality, and a surge in diseases like tuberculosis, dengue, and respiratory ailments. Areas like Kurla, Andheri, and Dadar are now notorious for waterlogging during monsoons, with lives and livelihoods disrupted every year (Times of India). Meanwhile, air pollution in industrial suburbs like Chembur and Powai has led to skyrocketing cases of respiratory illnesses, with families spending thousands on healthcare. According to the Praja Foundation, diabetes, major respiratory diseases, and hypertension are now among the leading causes of death in Mumbai, exacerbated by environmental degradation (Praja Foundation).

The future looks even grimmer. If current trends persist, projections suggest that 80% of South Mumbai could be underwater by 2040 (Das, A., Swain, P.K.), while the rest of the city grapples with rising pollution levels, increased vulnerability to extreme weather, and a growing public health crisis.

Despite these stark warnings, major political parties have offered no meaningful climate action plans in their manifestos. Zero. This glaring omission speaks volumes about the state of political priorities.

For comparison, European voters are increasingly prioritizing climate change. A recent Euronews poll across 18 countries found that 52% of respondents ranked climate action above all other issues. Initiatives like the European Green Deal have become central to election campaigns. But India, unfortunately, has yet to foster a similar cadre of “climate voters.”

Here, the so-called "brown agenda"—basic needs like food, shelter, sanitation, and employment—still overshadows the "green agenda." The immediate urgency of survival drowns out long-term discussions on sustainability. Climate issues, while critical, are often seen as abstract and distant by voters, and therefore, fail to grab political attention.

Ironically, election campaigns themselves worsen Mumbai’s environmental crisis. If each constituency deploys an average of 500 vehicles for campaign activities over a month—each consuming 15 liters of fuel daily—an estimated 60 lakh liters of fossil fuel will be burned. This translates to 130 lakh kilograms of CO2 emissions. Offsetting this would require over 5 lakh trees, highlighting the campaign’s environmental toll.

Still, Mumbai is not entirely without hope. Initiatives like the Coastal Road Project and the expanding Mumbai Metro network aim to reduce congestion and vehicle emissions. The state’s Electric Vehicle (EV) policy, coupled with BEST’s goal of a fully electrified bus fleet by 2027, is a positive step. Waste-to-energy projects and improved waste segregation under the Swachh Bharat Mission have also laid the groundwork for more sustainable urban practices (Iqbal Singh Chahal ).

However, these efforts remain piecemeal and insufficient to address the larger climate crisis. Mumbai’s green spaces are critically limited, covering less than one square meter per person—far below global urban standards. While the city’s rejoining of the C40 Cities network in 2020 was a step forward, tangible outcomes like climate-resilient infrastructure and restored ecosystems remain largely aspirational.

Mumbai, as India’s financial capital, has the resources, talent, and influence to lead the charge on climate action. But this requires an urgent recalibration of priorities. Survival is no longer optional—it demands collective action. Political leaders, civil society, businesses, and citizens must converge on a robust, actionable plan to transition the city toward climate resilience.

Unfortunately, Mumbai’s identity as a hub of Bollywood and finance often obscures its deeper vulnerabilities. The glamour of the film industry and the city’s economic clout distract from urgent issues like poverty, environmental degradation, and the public health crisis fueled by climate change.

For now, climate change remains a footnote in Mumbai’s elections, a stark reminder that India’s political landscape has yet to fully embrace the green agenda. Until voters demand otherwise, Mumbai will continue battling rising waters and polluted air with outdated priorities.

It’s time for a wake-up call. Mumbai’s future depends on it.

About the Authors:

Shradha is an architect by education and is currently pursuing an advanced certification course in Sustainable engineering and smart cities from IISc, Bengaluru. She is also working with Sewa International USA.

Kumar Subham is a social entrepreneur and policy professional. He holds a BTech from IIT Delhi and curates the weekly newsletter on Policy called Policy Mandala.

Below, we discuss two recent policy updates from the past week(s), and analyze them for you: From India’s Pollution Problem to India’s Consumer Crusade. Let’s go!

Analysis #1: India’s Pollution Problem: The Policy Puzzle We Haven’t Cracked

India holds an unfortunate record: 24 of the top 30 most polluted cities globally are in India, and among these, a staggering 9 are located in the Delhi NCR region alone. Not exactly the legacy we’d expect from a country that reveres Mother Nature. Last week, the government rolled out the GRAP-II action plan for the National Capital Region (NCR) to tackle pollution. But what is GRAP-II, exactly?

Think of GRAP-II as a layered “Emergency Brake” to curb pollution—limiting activities that worsen air quality and calling for immediate interventions in the NCR when pollution levels spike. It includes construction bans, restrictions on certain industries, regular street cleaning, and more. With measures like smog towers already in place, we might hope that our air would start feeling a little easier on the lungs by now.

But are these efforts truly clearing the skies?

Well... kind of. And kind of not.

Most of these are what you’d call “band-aid fixes.” Surely they’re necessary steps, but they don’t get to the root of the problem. Many recent attempts—like the odd-even scheme, smog towers, and construction bans—are, in reality, just temporary solutions. They don’t address why pollution keeps coming back like clockwork each year.

So, what would it take actually to improve Delhi’s air?

Delhi’s pollution puzzle is uniquely complex. Vehicles, construction, and local industries contribute, sure, but about 40% of the pollution floats in from neighboring states. The main culprit? Crop stubble burning in Punjab, Haryana, and Western Uttar Pradesh. Every October and November, farmers burn leftover paddy stubble to clear their fields for the next crop, creating the thick smog we see over the NCR.

So, can we just blame the farmers?

Well… yes. And also, no.

Here’s a bit of background. This annual smog crisis didn’t exist until around 2012-13. In 2009, a policy required farmers to delay paddy planting until the monsoon, preserving groundwater. But this shortened harvest time and stubble burning became the fastest way to clear fields for the next crop, and that combined with the meteorology of the winter months, became pertinent pollution. So, what began as a move to save water inadvertently became a driver of winter air pollution in NCR.

But that’s only part of the story.

Historically, Punjab and Haryana were water-rich regions with multiple rivers, and only about 7% of farmland grew water-intensive rice. However, in the 1960s, to address food scarcity, the government set up a minimum support price (MSP) for rice and committed to full procurement. Combined with nearly free electricity for farming, this policy encouraged more and more farmers to grow rice, putting a heavy strain on water resources.

So, here’s the chain reaction: we solved food scarcity by incentivizing rice, which then led to water scarcity. To solve water scarcity, we changed cropping patterns, which in turn has created an air pollution crisis.

Delhi NCR’s air pollution highlights how interconnected policy decisions are and how one well-intentioned but incompletely thought policy move can ripple across decades and impact health and the environment for generations.

Soon, as November rolls in, residents in NCR will again be wearing masks for smog instead of viruses, and itchy eyes will become the new normal. And it’s more than an inconvenience—it’s a severe health and livelihood crisis. According to a University of Chicago study, just living in Delhi NCR could shave up to 12 years off a person’s life. And with construction bans under GRAP-II, over a million construction workers now face uncertain job prospects.

True solutions for Delhi’s air crisis need more than seasonal band-aids. Long-term policies could start with supporting crop shifts in North India to reduce paddy reliance, helping farmers manage stubble sustainably, and introducing local solutions that can bring about lasting change.

With Delhi’s elections around the corner and Haryana’s just concluded, let’s hope pollution takes center stage in the political conversation. With enough political will, Delhi might finally have a shot at breaking this suffocating cycle.

Analysis #2: India’s Consumer Crusade: CCPA Steps Up to Protect Consumer Right

India’s Central Consumer Protection Authority (CCPA) is stepping up its game, taking on major companies to ensure consumers are prioritized. This time, the spotlight is on Ola. This latest development includes two parallel, independent but interconnected warnings set out by the CCPA to Ola Electric and Ola Consumers.

But, what is the CCPA?

Formed under the Consumer Protection Act of 2019, the CCPA aims to tackle today’s complex marketplace, addressing issues from misleading ads to unfair trade practices and enforcing consumer rights. Since its launch in mid-2020, it has become an agile body focused on consumer welfare, especially as India’s economy increasingly revolves around digital platforms and on-demand services.

Ola, a sector disruptor in the transportation industry, is now facing the CCPA’s scrutiny. Founded in 2010, Ola transformed urban transport, expanded rapidly, and even entered the electric vehicle space with Electic two-wheelers. But with growth has come a flood of complaints.

Over 2,000 issues were reported about Ola Cabs just this past year—ranging from pricing and driver issues to refund options. Ola Electric, too, saw around 10,000 complaints about after-sales service for its scooters. Last week, the CCPA ordered Ola Electric to address the growing complaints backlog and demanded that Ola Cabs provide flexible refund options for canceled rides.

The CCPA’s actions send a strong message: rapid expansion must not compromise service quality. While complaints are common in any industry, the scale complaints indicated a need for stricter consumer protections. But there’s more at play here. The CCPA's actions on Ola prompt two big questions for India’s policy landscape:

1) Should it Take a social media storm for Action?
Many believe the CCPA’s recent response came only after a wave of social media complaints about Ola Electric’s service quality. This raises an essential question: should it always take viral complaints to drive government action? And if consumers can mobilize change through social media, where does government intervention begin and end? Are we in a world where the state only responds to online outrage, or is there a shift towards more proactive consumer protection?

2) Does the CCPA Have the Power it Needs?
Despite its recent moves, the CCPA operates with limited authority and resources. Expanding its powers to conduct audits, issue preventive guidelines, and enforce penalties could help address consumer grievances more effectively. However, in a country with a socialist past, there’s a risk of stifling innovation if government oversight becomes too heavy-handed. Are our governance systems mature enough to find this delicate balance?

With gig and platform work set to employ around 2.5 crore Indians by 2030 and serve nearly 40 crore consumers, safeguarding both consumer and worker rights will be central to our digital economy, while giving enough space to innovation, and new business models.

These are tough questions, but the current model of CCPA seems to be working well, balancing an active stance on consumer protection, while ensuring a non-hostile market for innovation. Let’s hope this consumer-first approach isn’t just a reaction to viral moments but a lasting shift towards a fairer digital marketplace in India’s evolving landscape.

Book Mandala

In this section, we suggest a book to be read/listened each week, for the inner policy enthusiast in you :)

Book: Shivaji and Suraaj

Author: Anil Madhav Dave

About the book: This book delves into Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj's visionary governance, highlighting his commitment to justice, welfare, and self-governance. Through historical insights and leadership lessons, it connects Shivaji’s principles with modern relevance, making it a must-read for those passionate about history, leadership, and impactful nation-building.

Our Take: Shivaji and Suraaj offers a fresh look at Shivaji, not just as the warrior king we know, but as a visionary leader in governance. Written by former Union Minister Anil Madhav Dave, the book explores Shivaji’s approach to administration, financial policies, and his connection with the people—all rooted in authentic Indian values. It’s an engaging, clear, and insightful read, perfect for anyone interested in a governance model that draws from India’s own history and philosophy.

Leave a comment

Share